Vote-Scope · CUSMA · Trade-war desk

The trade war desk.

Talks collapsed. The tariffs landed. This page keeps one instrument, one market board and one polling wall on the same screen — updated daily, sourced line by line.

At 12:01 a.m. on September 8 the Canadian answer took effect: duties of 15%, 25% and 50% on C$27.6B of U.S. imports, more than 700 products — steel, aluminium, dairy, appliances, agricultural equipment, pulp and paper, plastics and electronics. Goods already in transit are exempt. It answers the 50% U.S. tariff of August 22, signed under Section 338 of the 1930 Smoot-Hawley Act and applied even to goods that qualify under CUSMA. Seven Canadians in ten back the walkaway. On August 24 Trump threatened a further 50% on Canadian vehicles, parts and steel from January 1. Both borders are now taxed.

Updated September 16, 2026 v2.0 All real data

What is actually in force

U.S. tariff rate 50%

Section 338, Tariff Act of 1930. Three proclamations signed July 20, 2026. No CUSMA exemption.

Canadian exports hit ≈ C$28B

Roughly US$20B, and about 5% of everything Canada ships to the United States. Estimates ran from C$28B to C$30B depending on the source. Autos, alcohol, dairy, cement, building materials, clothing, hockey sticks. Energy, potash, fish and critical minerals are excluded.

Canadian counter-tariffs Sept 8

Dollar for dollar. Steel, dairy, appliances, agricultural equipment, pulp and paper, electronics.

Quebec exports exposed C$7.7B

Over 9% of everything Quebec ships south. Two provincial aid programs opened the following week.

New and enhanced federal support C$7.5B

The August 25 package, building on nearly C$25B in prior measures: C$1.5B for regional response, C$500M in BDC liquidity, C$2B for diversification and C$3.5B for workers and employers. Delivery is the next test.

Next U.S. tariff threat Jan 1, 2027

Trump says 50% on Canadian vehicles, auto parts and steel. Announced August 24; not yet in effect.

  • 01Greer called the offer preferential: suspend the new 50%, remove the new 10% lumber tariff, and lower autos, steel and aluminum. Ottawa's baseline was the trade relationship before those Trump-era penalties — not a discounted version of them.
  • 02Washington wanted the auto-tariff relief to exclude mid-size vehicles and heavy trucks.
  • 03Washington sought to limit Canada's freedom to negotiate with other trading partners.
  • 04Washington pushed to restrict Canadian-content rules for streaming, film and publishing support, French labelling and other measures protecting culture and sovereignty.

Where we stand

Written from Canada, and labelled as such.

Vote-Scope is written from Canada. One government put a 50% tariff on its neighbour's exports; the other answered seventeen days later. We are not going to write as if striking first and striking back were the same act. The instruments on this page stay neutral by construction: the leverage gap comes out of two published indices and would read the same whoever computed it. The prose does not, and saying so is more honest than hiding it.

Kim Leclerc · September 8, 2026

Our read

What you need to know.

Canada answered. The counterstrike isn’t measured in dollars.

At 12:01 a.m. on September 8, duties of 15%, 25% and 50% hit C$27.6B of U.S. imports across more than 700 products. For the first time in this dispute, both borders are taxed. Scott Bessent warned that you cannot go tit-for-tat “with someone who’s 13 times larger than you are”. On the accounting alone he is right. Twenty-seven billion against an economy that size is a rounding error. But that is not where the counterstrike does its work. Abacus surveyed 2,500 registered voters in the five states that will decide the Senate in November: Iowa, Michigan, Ohio, Maine and South Carolina. In all five, supporting these tariffs is a net electoral liability. The 50% tariff on Canadian-made vehicles is opposed by roughly two to one. And majorities everywhere would rather return to the relationship that existed before. Our own leverage gap says the same thing another way: 84.1 for Canada against 27.8 for the political strength of Trump. Canada’s answer does not have to win a trade war against an economy thirteen times its size. It only has to last until November.

The country ratified the refusal in twenty-four hours.

Angus Reid went into the field the night the tariffs landed: 76% of Canadians say Carney was right to walk away, 13% say he was wrong. Five to one. The majority holds in every province — 65% in Saskatchewan, 67% in Alberta, 85% in Quebec — and 53% of 2025 Conservative voters are in it. The rupture did not manufacture that consensus. Léger already had 56% against any further concession, Abacus 69% for holding firm however long it took. Friday night only made it visible. What it did not do is produce a deal: the markets still price a near-term climbdown at well under one chance in ten, and half of Canadians are outright not confident one is reachable while Trump holds office. Domestic strength buys the right to refuse a bad deal. It does not buy a good one.

Permission is not patience.

Abacus CEO David Coletto wrote it at 5 a.m. the morning the tariffs took effect: Canadians gave Carney permission to say no, not unlimited time to be right about it. The same respondents who back the refusal at 76% are 89% worried about prices, and 38% of workers fear for their own job — 13% of them “very”. Support measured before the bill arrives is the cheapest support there is. Which makes the C$7.5 billion in new and enhanced support the real political deadline here, not September 8. It has to be fast and it has to be visible, because the thing that collapses first is not resolve, it is the belief that somebody has a plan.

What the public said last week is not what it says now. Both readings stay up.

On August 17, Léger found 38% of Canadians calling Carney's approach “rather passive” against 30% who called it balanced. On August 23, Angus Reid found 69% saying he showed strength and 19% poor judgement. That is not a contradiction in the data. It is a man who acted between the two field periods. Both cards stay on this page with their dates attached, because a poll is not a standing opinion, it is a timestamped measurement — and deleting the first one would make the second impossible to read.

Greer's “advantage” starts from Washington's own penalty.

Jamieson Greer presents lower tariffs on steel, autos and lumber as preferential treatment. They are preferential only against penalties Washington itself imposed after Trump's return. Reducing a fine you just levied is not a concession. And the asking price was never only tariffs: Carney describes last-minute limits on Canada's freedom to sign deals elsewhere, and on the measures that protect French, Canadian content, film and publishing support, product labelling and regulatory sovereignty. Take the tariff arithmetic out and that is what the refusal is about.

This policy has no public behind it on either side of the border.

78% of Americans say their country should treat Canada as a friend and ally. 59% oppose this round of tariffs. 79% hold a favourable view of Canadians. And the president imposing them sits at 34% approval in Angus Reid's tracking and 37% in Léger's, with strong disapproval alone (46%) outweighing his total support. The tariff is not the expression of an American demand; it is a presidential instrument run against the grain of the country it is supposed to serve. That is the most under-reported number on this page, and it is the one that decides whether Congress moves before the midterms.

Lake America and Lutnick’s Quebec story are the same move: rewrite the record.

The White House can order its own maps to print “Lake America”; it cannot rename Lake Ontario for Canada, erase an Indigenous-rooted hydronym, or make the stunt true. Lutnick’s claim that Carney invented the French-language dispute to damage the PQ fails the same test. Washington had put discoverability and bilingual labelling on the table, then publicly withdrew those positions. Calling the issue fictional after retreating from it is not a competing version of events. It is a lie contradicted by the administration’s own reversal. Carney’s answer worked because it joined geography, language and sovereignty in one sentence; Lutnick then carried that argument directly into Quebec’s election for him. We report the claim, but we do not grant it the false balance of an unresolved factual dispute.

Carney is becoming an external protagonist in the U.S. midterms.

This is still an American election fought by Republicans and Democrats. But the trade war is giving it an external protagonist. Trump is now campaigning against a Canadian refusal; Vance calls Canada a state, then an accident; Ford tells Americans their midterm vote is the answer and proposes targeting deep-red states with Canadian leverage; and Carney answers with Europe, ASEAN and India, promising to double Canada's tariff-free reach in six months. The contrast is becoming legible to U.S. voters: coercion and higher input costs on one side, a neighbouring ally publicly building an exit on the other. Carney is not on the ballot, but Trump is steadily putting him in the campaign.

Davos 2.0: the refusal is addressed to every middle power.

In Davos in January, Carney argued that economic integration had become an instrument of coercion. Canada is now the first major U.S. ally to leave the table rather than accept a relationship with permanent tariffs built into it; Britain, the European Union and others signed narrower deals instead. The speech has become a demonstration, and the demonstration is expensive. It does not prove resistance pays. It does put a price tag on the shelf, where every other middle power can read it next to the price of accommodation.

What we are watching

  • 01January 1, 2027 — Trump's new 50% threat on Canadian vehicles, parts and steel. It is announced, not yet in effect.
  • 02The EU talks this fall and the six-month promise to double tariff-free market access. Announcements become leverage only when counterparties sign.
  • 03September 8 — the Canadian counter-tariffs take effect, or become a bargaining chip.
  • 04The C$7.5B in new and enhanced worker and business support. Speed and visibility, not the size of the number.
  • 05The 38% of workers who fear for their job. That is the reading that moves first if this drags.
  • 06The energy lever: an electricity or oil-and-gas export tax has 70%+ support and has never been used.
  • 07The gap between Abacus respondents expecting an eventual agreement (47%) and those expecting escalation or lasting conflict (40%).
  • 08The CAQ’s 18-seat one-day projection jump. It is now a fully post-collapse signal, but still only one poll and one model update — watch whether another firm confirms it.
  • 09Whether 59% American opposition turns into congressional pressure before the midterms.

What the money says

The board.

Live prices from Polymarket and Kalshi. External markets, carried as context — none of them feed the leverage gap. Thin books are labelled, and one contract below resolves on a narrower question than its title suggests.

Polymarket

An increase in the general tariff rate on Canada, in effect by December 31

12% implied

Read this one carefully: it resolves on the *general* rate, not on item-specific duties. The 50% Section 338 tariffs do not settle it.

Polymarket

Another Canadian election called by December 31

4.7% implied

47% of Canadians want a vote on any deal. The market says they will not get one this year.

Kalshi

Alberta votes to secede before the next federal election

12% implied

The internal seam. Alberta is also where support for retaliation is weakest.

Kalshi

The tariff-rate ladder

Kalshi · general tariff rate on Canada, January 1, 2027

Tariff rate on Canada ≥ 10% on January 1, 2027
80%
≥ 20%
39%
≥ 30%
28%

A thin book — a few hundred contracts of open interest. Read it as a shape, not a price.

The contract to watch

External market — not part of the gap calculation.

View on Polymarket →Live odds via Polymarket

What the publics say

Two countries, one file.

Canada now has two sets of readings: the ones taken before the talks collapsed, and the ones taken after. They do not say the same thing, and both stay up with their field dates attached. In the United States, opinion never followed the president on this file at all.

Canada

Abacus Data

71% back the walkaway; 60% approve Carney’s handling

Was Carney right to suspend trade talks with the United States?
Right to suspend talks
71%
Wrong to suspend talks
17%
Approve Carney’s handling
60%
Expect an agreement eventually
47%
Expect escalation or lasting conflict
40%

A second fully post-rupture reading confirms the mandate, across parties: 87% of Liberal, 82% of Bloc, 78% of NDP and 54% of Conservative voters say Carney was right. Quebec is highest at 79%. Most interviews preceded the August 25 counter-tariff details.

Synopsis / La Presse · Vote-Scope

The CAQ rises to 27% in the poll — and from 12 to 30 projected seats

Quebec’s first fully post-rupture electoral reading
PQ — poll
28%
CAQ — poll
27%
CAQ — Vote-Scope estimate
26.1%
PQ — Vote-Scope estimate
28.5%

The seat model moves the CAQ to 30 projected seats from 12 the day before; the PQ falls to 55 from 71. The timing is consistent with a rally toward the governing party as Christine Fréchette campaigns against Trump. One poll and one model update do not identify a causal effect; the outlier exemption admitted the shock, while the firm-concentration cap remained active.

Liaison / Léger

Early readings move toward the governments carrying the response

The first, still-thin electoral pulse after the rupture
Ontario PCs (Aug 23–24)
39%
Ford approval (Aug 23–24)
36%
Quebec CAQ (Aug 21–24)
23%
Federal Liberals (Aug 9–22)
43%

Directionally consistent, not causal proof. Liaison has Ford approval up from 24% in its July wave and the PCs at 39%; Léger has the CAQ at 23%, versus 20% in its early-August wave. The federal Liaison tracker has the Liberals leading 43–32, but only its final tracking day followed the August 21 collapse. There are still too few fully post-shock electoral polls to estimate a durable bonus.

Angus Reid Institute

76% say Canada was right to walk away — five to one

Was Canada right to end the negotiations?
Right to walk away
76%
Wrong to walk away
13%
Carney showed strength
69%
Carney showed poor judgement
19%
Counter-tariffs are “about right”
62%

The first poll fielded entirely after the rupture. Two-thirds or better in every province — 65% in Saskatchewan, 67% in Alberta, 85% in Quebec — and 53% of 2025 Conservative voters. Past Conservatives split evenly on strength (43%) versus poor judgement (43%); almost no past Liberal (1%) wanted more compromises.

Angus Reid Institute

Resolve on top, exposure underneath: 89% brace for higher prices

The same respondents, asked what they are afraid of
Worried the trade war raises prices
89%
Believe Canada emerges stronger long-term
64%
Say Canada can weather the storm
59%
Say the outcome was never Canada's to control
59%
Workers worried about their own job
38%

One worker in eight (13%) is “very” concerned about losing their job. Half are outright not confident a deal can be reached while Trump is in office. Industry estimates put a no-deal path at 0.4% of GDP and as many as 90,000 jobs.

Abacus Data

55% want Canada to move beyond CUSMA, not rescue it

Is CUSMA still the thing worth saving?
Canada should move beyond CUSMA
55%
Preserve and update CUSMA
34%
Conservative voters: preserve CUSMA
47%
Conservative voters: move beyond it
43%

Measured ten days before the rupture. The agreement the two governments spent a year fighting over had already lost its constituency: Conservative voters are the only group still majority-attached to it.

Léger

56% want a hard line and no further concessions

What approach should Ottawa take in the negotiations?
Hard line, no more concessions
56%
Show flexibility, concede if needed
31%
Don't know
13%

Quebec (61%) and women (60%) are the firmest. Even among Conservative voters, 51% want no further concessions.

Field Aug 15–Aug 17 · n = 1,622 · ±2,4 % · Léger ↗
Léger

Canadians reach for the energy lever first

Would each of these retaliation measures be a good idea? (% good idea)
Special tax on electricity sold to the U.S.
74%
Special tax on oil and gas exports
70%
Bar U.S.-owned firms from public contracts
70%
Ban all U.S. alcohol sales in Canada
64%
Export tax on potash
63%
Tariffs on a broad range of U.S. manufactured goods
59%

The three most popular weapons are the ones Ottawa has not fired. Support drops among Conservatives, Albertans and under-35s.

Field Aug 15–Aug 17 · n = 1,622 · ±2,4 % · Léger ↗
Léger

Supply management and banking are the walls

Which concessions would be a good idea? (% good idea)
Open air transport to U.S. carriers
46%
More U.S. access to telecoms
38%
Restore U.S. alcohol sales nationwide
33%
Sharply reduce supply management
26%
More U.S. access to Canadian banking
25%

Exactly the files Washington pushed hardest on are the ones with the least public runway.

Field Aug 15–Aug 17 · n = 1,622 · ±2,4 % · Léger ↗
Léger

47% would want an election on any new deal

The domestic bill for whatever gets signed
Election should follow a new trade deal
47%
Ottawa should demand the U.S. ambassador be recalled
43%
Carney's approach reads as “rather passive”
38%
Carney's approach reads as “balanced”
30%

Measured five days before the rupture, and the “passive” reading did not survive it: once Carney walked, 69% called it strength (Angus Reid, above). 67% of Conservative voters still want that election — against 34% of Liberals. The demand for firmness is bipartisan; the demand for a vote is not.

Field Aug 15–Aug 17 · n = 1,622 · ±2,4 % · Léger ↗
Abacus Data

74% say the trade war has already hit their household finances

The tariffs have already reached the kitchen table
Trade war already affected household finances
74%
Expect negative consequences for the local economy
70%
Respond with counter-tariffs
36%
Keep negotiating, no counter-tariffs
30%
Offer concessions to get the tariffs removed
18%

An earlier Abacus wave (July 24) found 69% wanting Ottawa to hold firm in the CUSMA talks even if uncertainty drags on, against 20% wanting quick compromises.

Angus Reid Institute

48% of Canadians now hold an unfavourable view of the American people

What the tariffs did to the friendship
Unfavourable view of the American people
48%
Favourable view of the American people
45%
Canadians following the tariff story
91%

A separate ARI wave in July found 65% of Canadians saying Ottawa should treat the U.S. cautiously, as a potential threat, or as an enemy.

United States

Angus Reid Institute (U.S.)

Trump hits a second-term low: 34% approve, 58% disapprove

The president's standing, two days before the deadline
Disapprove of Trump's performance
58%
Strongly disapprove
46%
Cannot name a single accomplishment
47%
Approve of Trump's performance
34%

Strong disapproval alone (46%) outweighs total approval. Approval has slid steadily from 37% in December and January; this is the lowest reading in Angus Reid's second-term tracking. The man imposing the tariffs is negotiating from the weaker domestic position of the two.

Léger (U.S. sample)

57% of Americans say the tariffs hurt the U.S. economy

Americans on Trump's tariffs
Tariffs affect the U.S. economy negatively
57%
Tariffs affect it positively
21%
Negative rating of Trump on trade
54%
Trump job approval
37%
Trump job disapproval
54%

41% say “very negatively”. Disapproval at 54% is the highest reading in Léger's U.S. series; approval has sat near 37% since 2025.

Angus Reid Institute

59% of Americans oppose this round of tariffs on Canada

Americans on Canada
Oppose the latest round of tariffs on Canada
59%
Say the U.S. should treat Canada as a friend and ally
78%
Favourable view of Canadians
79%
Americans following the tariff story
69%

The tariffs do not have an American mandate behind them. 78% of Americans want Canada treated as an ally; the policy runs against its own public.

Gallup

80% of Americans still view Canada favourably — a record low

The soft-power floor
Favourable view of Canada (2026)
80%
Historical average
91%

Down eleven points from the long-run average, and still third among all nations. This is the asset Canada spends at the table.

The two accounts

Same night, two stories.

« A miscalculation. »
Mark Carney · Prime Minister of Canada

On the new U.S. tariffs, the morning they took effect. Carney said the U.S. side introduced last-minute changes that were “unfair, uneconomic”.

« New demands and walk backs of other commitments by Canada have upended the careful balance. »
Jamieson Greer · U.S. Trade Representative

Washington's account of the same collapse.

« An attitude at the negotiation table that Canada is a subsidiary of the United States is not something we’re going to accept. »
Mark Carney · Prime Minister of Canada

August 24, after Trump threatened a second 50% tariff on Canadian autos, parts and steel.

« Canada is a state — sorry. Freudian slip. »
JD Vance · Vice President of the United States

At a factory stop in Maine on August 24. Vance then said it was genuinely accidental, before comparing Canadian trade practices to China’s.

« They’re going to speak loud and clear when it comes to the midterms. […] You all become losers because you’re a loser. »
Doug Ford · Premier of Ontario

Ford addressing Donald Trump on August 24, during the same broadside in which he called him a dictator, a bully and the king of bankruptcies. Exact excerpts, reproduced as spoken.

« There’s a line, and Donald Trump is trying to cross it. Canada will never be the 51st state. »
David Eby · Premier of British Columbia

Eby responding on August 24 after JD Vance called Canada a state and then described it as a slip.

How we got here

From joint review to 50%.

  1. Canada strikes back

    At 12:01 a.m., duties of 15%, 25% and 50% take effect on C$27.6B of U.S. imports across more than 700 products — steel, aluminium, dairy, appliances, agricultural equipment, pulp and paper, plastics and electronics. Goods already in transit are exempt. Both borders are now taxed for the first time in the dispute.

  2. Ottawa answers the accusation from Washington

    Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick blames Ottawa for tanking the talks; Carney replies that unelected members of the U.S. cabinet are not experts on Canadian politics, and says the American objective is to wipe out Canadian industries or turn them into subsidiaries. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent argues Canada cannot go tit-for-tat “with someone who’s 13 times larger than you are”.

  3. The tariffs are a liability in the states that decide the Senate

    Abacus surveys 2,500 registered voters — 500 each in Iowa, Michigan, Ohio, Maine and South Carolina. Voters are more negative on the administration’s handling of trade with Canada than on Trump overall; the 50% tariff on Canadian-made vehicles is opposed by roughly two to one; supporting the tariffs is a net electoral liability in all five states; and majorities everywhere would rather return to the relationship that existed before.

  4. Carney: Washington has to “start being serious”

    With a week to go before the counter-tariffs land, Carney says U.S. negotiators pushed an asymmetrical deal that would have hurt Canadian sectors, the auto industry first among them, and that Washington has to start being serious before talks can resume.

  5. The untested tariff authority faces its legal test

    Trade lawyers say Section 338 has never been used or tested in court and may have been displaced by newer trade laws. The tariffs remain in effect; the legal uncertainty is now a separate pressure point, not a suspension.

  6. The rally now has a second reading

    Abacus finds 71% backing the walkaway and 60% approving Carney’s handling. A fully post-rupture Quebec poll puts the CAQ at 27%, one point behind the PQ; Vote-Scope moves the CAQ from 12 to 30 projected seats. That is a model signal, not proof that tariffs caused every point.

  7. Growth enters the war with more momentum

    Statistics Canada reports real GDP by industry up 0.3% in June and 0.9% in the second quarter, with 17 of 20 sectors expanding. Auto manufacturing rose 20.9% and auto-parts manufacturing 10.8%. This is a stronger starting point, not a verdict on the trade war: nearly all of the quarter predates the August tariff shock, while the July advance estimate is flat.

  8. The dispute reaches the map — and Quebec’s ballot

    Trump orders U.S. maps to call Lake Ontario “Lake America”; Carney answers with the Indigenous-rooted hydronym. In Quebec, Christine Fréchette launches the CAQ campaign by naming Trump as her real adversary, while Howard Lutnick claims Carney manufactured the French-language dispute to hurt the PQ.

  9. Ottawa prices the counterstrike

    Finance Canada publishes the list: tariffs of 15%, 25% and 50% on C$27.6B of U.S. imports from September 8, plus C$7.5B in new and enhanced support for regions, firms, diversification, workers and employers.

  10. A second 50% clock starts

    Trump threatens 50% tariffs on Canadian vehicles, auto parts and steel from January 1, 2027. Carney says Washington’s auto proposal would gradually dismantle Canadian production. Ontario’s Doug Ford puts electricity, critical minerals, oil and potash on the table — explicitly to target deep-red states and make the U.S. economy feel the pain.

  11. Canada points the trade map away from Washington

    Carney says Canada will seek to double tariff-free access from 1.5 billion consumers over six months through deals from ASEAN to India, and begin talks this fall on a deeper economic and security partnership with the European Union.

  12. The country ratifies the refusal

    Angus Reid fields overnight and finds 76% saying Canada was right to walk, against 13% who say it was wrong — majority backing in every province. The premiers line up behind Carney. The size of Ottawa’s new support package is still to come.

  13. The 50% takes effect

    Tariffs bite at 12:01 a.m. ET. Carney announces dollar-for-dollar retaliation and promises additional support for workers and businesses. Ontario's Doug Ford backs the refusal to sign; Quebec opens aid programs for exposed firms.

  14. Canada leaves the table

    Talks collapse late Friday night in Washington. Carney refuses last-minute U.S. changes on autos, on Canada's freedom to strike other trade deals, and on cultural and linguistic sovereignty.

  15. A three-day pause, and a “deal”

    Hours before the deadline, Trump postpones the tariffs by three days and says the two sides have a deal. Ottawa confirms only a suspension until August 22. Prediction markets that had the tariff near 60¢ fall to the low 40s.

  16. Section 338 proclamations signed

    Trump signs three proclamations under the 1930 Smoot-Hawley Act imposing 50% tariffs on Canadian autos, alcohol, dairy, cement and hockey sticks — with no CUSMA exemption. Effective date: August 19.

  17. Washington will not extend CUSMA

    After virtual meetings with his Canadian and Mexican counterparts, USTR Jamieson Greer announces the U.S. will not extend the agreement. The joint-review clock becomes a cliff.

The two birds

Each side, its own instrument.

The gap is Canada Goose Index minus Trump strength (100 − Lame-Duck Index). It is derived purely from our two proprietary instruments — transparent and defensible. Everything else on this page is context, deliberately NOT folded into the number.

Donald Trump · Lame-Duck Index

23.9/100 residual strength · LDI 76.1 Open index ↗

Bilateral context

Signals around the table.

Real relational data — shown as context, not part of the gap calculation.

Loonie (USD→CAD)

1.3917 Bank of Canada (Valet) · 2026-09-15

U.S. favourability of Canada

80% Gallup · 2026-02-16

80% of Americans view Canada favourably (Gallup, Feb 2026) — a record low, down from a ~91% historical average, yet still 3rd among all nations. Soft-power leverage at the table.

How the gap works

One number from two instruments.

The gap is Canada Goose Index minus Trump strength (100 − Lame-Duck Index). It is derived purely from our two proprietary instruments — transparent and defensible. Everything else on this page is context, deliberately NOT folded into the number.

Reporting behind this page

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